Adlai Stevenson - Sejarah

Adlai Stevenson - Sejarah

Henry Lewis Stimson

1867- 1950

Negarawan Amerika

1962


Henry Stimson lahir di New York City pada 21 September 1867. Dia bersekolah di Phillips Academy di Andover dan kemudian ke Yale College. Setelah lulus kuliah, dia melanjutkan ke Harvard Law School. Dia bergabung dengan firma hukum Root and Clark di New York pada tahun 1891

Henry Stimson menjabat sebagai Sekretaris Perang di bawah Presiden Taft dan kemudian sebagai Sekretaris Negara di bawah Presiden Hoover. Dia datang untuk bekerja dengan Roosevelt selama transisi dari Administrasi Hoover ke Roosevelt pertama. Selama bagian akhir tahun 1930-an, ia sangat mendukung posisi Roosevelt dalam situasi dunia. Stimson juga mendukung pidato Karantina Roosevelt.

Pada bulan Juni 1940, dengan Prancis menuju kekalahan, Roosevelt meminta Stimson untuk menjadi Sekretaris Perang. Stimson adalah seorang Sekretaris yang aktif, mencurahkan seluruh energinya untuk membimbing angkatan bersenjata AS menuju kemenangan. Dia juga terlibat dalam pengembangan bom atom.

Buku

Kolonel, The: The Life and Wars of Henry Stimson, 1867-1950

Henry L. Stimson: Orang Bijaksana Pertama (Biografi dalam Kebijakan Luar Negeri Amerika)


26 Oktober 1962: Peran Tanpa Tanda Jasa Adlai Stevenson dalam Krisis Rudal Kuba (Bagian Tujuh)

Dr. Stern adalah penulis banyak artikel dan “Mencegah 'Kegagalan Terakhir': John F. Kennedy dan Pertemuan Rahasia Krisis Rudal Kuba” (2003), “Minggu Dunia Berdiri Diam: Di Dalam Krisis Rudal Rahasia Kuba” ( 2005), dan “The Cuban Missile Crisis in American Memory: Myths vs. Reality” (2012), semuanya di Stanford University Press Nuclear Age Series. Dia adalah Sejarawan di Perpustakaan Kennedy dari 1977 hingga 2000. Ini adalah seri ketujuh. Klik DI SINI untuk cicilan sebelumnya.

26 Oktober: Adlai Stevenson Mengambil ExComm

Pada pagi hari Jumat, 26 Oktober, duta besar PBB Adlai Stevenson telah terbang ke Washington untuk menghadiri pertemuan ExComm dan menjelaskan upaya Sekretaris Jenderal untuk menemukan solusi yang dinegosiasikan untuk krisis di Kuba. Stevenson telah menikmati ledakan popularitas nasional setelah dia keluar dari manuver duta besar PBB Soviet di sesi televisi Dewan Keamanan PBB. Presiden segera meminta Stevenson untuk "memberi kami pemikiran Anda."

Duta Besar PBB pasti merasakan bahwa ExComm ditumpuk melawan dia: McGeorge Bundy, Douglas Dillon, John McCloy dan John McCone adalah Partai Republik RFK telah bekerja dalam kampanye presiden 1956 Stevenson, tetapi setelah menjadi yakin bahwa gubernur Illinois lemah dan ragu-ragu telah benar-benar memilih untuk Eisenhower JFK sendiri, tidak pernah memaafkan upaya pemurah Stevenson untuk melakukan pencalonan presiden ketiga pada konvensi Demokrat 1960. Duta Besar itu sendiri tidak lupa disesatkan untuk menunjukkan foto-foto palsu CIA di PBB dalam upaya pemerintahan Kennedy yang gagal untuk menyembunyikan peran Amerika dalam invasi Teluk Babi April 1961, antagonisme di ruangan yang diarahkan ke Stevenson hampir gamblang.

Duta Besar, meskipun demikian, dengan berani meluncurkan penjelasan dan pembelaan rencana moratorium PBB—termasuk penghentian pembangunan pangkalan rudal di Kuba dan penangguhan blokade angkatan laut AS saat negosiasi berlangsung. Dean Rusk menuntut untuk mengetahui apakah penghentian itu akan mencakup "tidak dapat dioperasikannya misil-misil itu." "Yah, itu tidak bisa membantu," tambah Stevenson lembut. “Saya pikir akan cukup tepat untuk mencoba membuat mereka tidak dapat beroperasi daripada mengatakan bahwa mereka harus dibuat tidak dapat dioperasikan. "Yah, kapan mereka menjadi tidak bisa dioperasi?" McNamara merinding, "Mereka bisa dioperasikan sekarang." "Pastikan bahwa mereka tidak bisa dioperasikan!" Bundy menuntut dengan keras. Bahkan McCloy, yang telah ditugaskan ke PBB untuk "membantu" Stevenson dalam negosiasi (karena keraguan pribadi Kennedy bahwa duta besar benar-benar dapat menangani Rusia) menuntut sikap yang jauh lebih keras karena rudal diarahkan langsung "ke hati kita". .”

Duta Besar PBB yang terkepung, meskipun banyak komentar bermusuhan dari seluruh meja, kemudian menambahkan bahwa Soviet akan membongkar pangkalan dan menarik senjata ini dari belahan bumi, tetapi “apa yang mereka inginkan sebagai imbalan, saya mengantisipasi, jaminan baru integritas teritorial Kuba. Memang,” dia berargumen dengan berani, “untuk itulah mereka mengatakan senjata-senjata ini—untuk mempertahankan integritas teritorial Kuba” terhadap invasi lain yang disponsori Amerika—sebuah argumen yang secara mencolok jika tidak hilang dari diskusi ExComm. Stevenson kemudian menjatuhkan sepatu lainnya: "Mungkin juga harga yang mungkin diminta dari kami dalam negosiasi jangka panjang mungkin termasuk pembongkaran pangkalan kami, seperti Italia dan Turki."

Stevenson pertama kali menyarankan kemungkinan perdagangan rudal ketika dia berunding dengan presiden pada 17 Oktober—hari kedua krisis. Namun, selama 13 hari diskusi, duta besar PBB adalah satu-satunya peserta ExComm yang mengangkat argumen utama Khrushchev untuk penyebaran rudal Soviet di Kuba: bahwa rudal itu dimaksudkan sebagai upaya defensif untuk melindungi Castro dan pemerintahannya dari serangan pemerintahan Kennedy. perang rahasia dan upaya kedua untuk menyerang Kuba. Stevenson segera meninggalkan pertemuan untuk menerima telepon dari seorang ajudan di PBB. (Kita hanya bisa membayangkan emosi campur aduk yang dialami oleh calon presiden yang kalah dua kali, yang menerima telepon sendirian di Ruang Oval, mungkin duduk di meja presiden.) Dengan keluarnya duta besar, JFK dengan blak-blakan menyatakan bahwa “tidak ada yang sangat sangat tertarik dengan” proposal Stevenson.

Robert Kennedy, dalam Tiga Belas Hari, kemudian mengklaim bahwa JFK menolak rekomendasi Stevenson untuk pertukaran rudal Kuba-Turki. Ironisnya, itulah yang dilakukan presiden keesokan harinya, atas keberatan dari hampir seluruh ExComm. Hanya beberapa minggu kemudian, sebuah artikel majalah, hampir pasti merupakan hasil kebocoran dari salah satu atau kedua keluarga Kennedy, menuduh bahwa Stevenson telah menganjurkan "a Munich" pada pertemuan ExComm 26 Oktober. Laporan itu sangat cocok dengan berita sampul pemerintahan yang muncul bahwa presiden telah menolak perdagangan rudal Kuba-Turki dan telah memaksa Soviet untuk mundur.


Adlai E. Stevenson II (Kepresidenan Dua Masa FDR)

Adlai E. Stevenson II adalah seorang politikus Amerika yang menjabat sebagai Presiden Amerika Serikat ke-32 (1949 - 1953). Stevenson mengalahkan Gubernur New York Thomas E Dewey dalam pemilihan presiden tahun 1948,  Stevenson dianggap sebagai administrator yang cakap dan efisien saat dia merampingkan Pemerintah negara bagian Illinois, menjaga pajak dan inflasi sejalan, memulai program perumahan umum yang besar untuk para tunawisma di Illinois dan mempromosikan hak-hak sipil. 

Pra-Presiden:

Pemerintahan Wallace dirusak oleh peristiwa-peristiwa yang menguntungkannya dan banyak orang Amerika menginginkan dan memohon padanya untuk mencalonkan diri untuk masa jabatan kedua karena ia mewakili ide-ide FDR dan mampu memenuhi semua janjinya pada akhir tahun 1946. Namun Wallace tidak menyukai tekanan Kepresidenan dan dianggap tidak mencalonkan diri untuk masa jabatan kedua sebagai Presiden, dan akan mengumumkan di Televisi Nasional, diberikan kepada semua Keluarga Amerika dengan surat yang ditandatangani dari Wallace antara 1946-1947, pada 13 Maret 1948 bahwa ia tidak akan mencalonkan diri untuk kedua kalinya masa jabatan sebagai Presiden. Keputusan Wallace untuk tidak mencalonkan diri lagi ternyata membawa keberuntungan bagi mantan diplomat terpelajar bernama Adlai Ewing Stevenson. Para pemimpin partai tidak menyukai Sen, Estes Kefauver, yang memenangkan sebagian besar pemilihan pendahuluan (yang memiliki pengaruh kecil pada saat itu).  Wakil Presiden Harry Truman dan mantan Ibu Negara Eleanor Roosevelt mendesak Stevenson, gubernur Illinois dua periode yang populer untuk mencalonkan diri . Cucu dari mantan wakil presiden dengan nama yang sama,

Stevenson telah memegang beberapa posisi diplomatik dan administratif di pemerintahan Roosevelt dan Wallace.  Untuk melindunginya dari kritik, para pendukung Stevenson melarangnya mengumumkan pencalonannya karena mereka bekerja di belakang layar untuk menyusun dukungan delegasi.  Sebagai gubernur tuan rumah, Stevenson dipilih untuk memberikan Pidato Utama pada Konvensi Demokratik 1948 di Chicago. Pernyataan fasihnya menyapu konvensi dia dinominasikan pada pemungutan suara ketiga, Dengan peluang nyata untuk menang, Demokrat sangat berhati-hati dalam memilih calon wakil presiden, akhirnya mengetuk Senator muda, John Sparkman dari Alabama.  Sparkman, seorang moderat selatan, memberikan keseimbangan geografis dan filosofis untuk Stevenson, seorang liberal utara.

Pada Hari Pemilihan 1948, tiket Stevenson-Johnson akan mengalahkan Tiket Warren-Dewey dengan penghitungan suara elektoral 259-239 dengan kandidat Dixiecrat Strom Thurmond mengamankan 39 Suara Electoral. Tak satu pun dari kandidat akan membuat 266 Suara yang dibutuhkan untuk menjadi Presiden dan DPR memilih siapa yang akan menjadi Presiden. Bahkan dengan Thurmond memberikan 39 Suaranya kepada Warren, Stevenson masih akan memenangkan pemilihan setelah para pemilih dari New York, Ohio, dan Pennsylvania memilih Stevenson membuat total pemilihan di DPR 360-169, menjadikan Stevenson dan Sparkman sebagai Presiden- Terpilih dan Wakil Presiden Terpilih. Itu adalah salah satu pemilihan tertutup dalam sejarah AS - pergeseran 24.000 suara di Texas dan Wisconsin akan memilih Warren.

Kepresidenan:

Stevenson akan dilantik sebagai Presiden Amerika Serikat ke-35 pada 20 Januari 1949, dengan Ketua Hakim Fred M. Vinson memberikan sumpah jabatan kepada Stevenson pada 12:55 EST dan Hakim Agung Stanley Forman Reed memberikan Sumpah Wakil Presiden Kantor ke Sparkman pada 12:30 PST, sehingga membuat Sparkman Presiden selama dua puluh menit.

Presiden Stevenson akan segera mencoba membuat penawaran dengan Jerman dan Jepang untuk mencoba dan menjadikan mereka sekutu Amerika Serikat, tetapi mereka akan menolak untuk bernegosiasi dengan dia atau Wakil Presiden Stevenson. Ini akan menurunkan peringkat persetujuannya dari 84% menjadi 59%. Salah satu tujuan utama Stevenson sebagai Presiden adalah untuk mengurangi tunawisma dan memperbaiki ekonomi nasional setelah diabaikan oleh pemerintahan Roosevelt dan Wallace. Upaya pertamanya untuk itu adalah memberikan $2000 untuk setiap orang yang membantu membangun kembali gedung-gedung pemerintah dan kota-kota yang masih hancur setelah perang. Ini akan dikirim ke DPR dan akan ditembak jatuh dalam 169-314 suara, hampir diangkat lagi pada tahun 1950 tetapi ditolak karena Perang Korea yang sedang berlangsung.

Perang Korea akan dimulai pada 27 Januari 1950, tetapi Stevenson akan menunggu untuk memberi tahu bangsa tentang perang tersebut sampai dua bulan pada Maret 1950. Dia tidak akan melakukan upaya itu untuk menangani Komunisme di Asia Timur karena media telah mengetahui bahwa dia telah diberikan Jenderal Dwight D. Eisenhower kekuatan untuk membuat semua keputusan yang berkaitan dengan perang sebagai "dia terlalu sibuk untuk menangani perang yang dapat berlangsung sampai tahun 1955 dan AS akan kalah". Ini akan mendorong Eisenhower untuk menggunakan jumlah kekuatan yang sama yang dia gunakan dalam Perang Dunia II setengah dekade sebelumnya

Presiden Stevenson mengumumkan bahwa dia akan mencalonkan diri untuk masa jabatan kedua sebagai Presiden pada tahun 1952 dan akan mengamankan kembali Nominasi Demokrat untuk Presiden, tetapi salah satu tantangan utama adalah betapa tidak populernya dia, dengan Persetujuan 58% pada awal pemilihan umum. pemilihan, bersama dengan tantangan lain tentang siapa yang akan melawannya. Berlari melawan Presiden Stevenson akan menjadi Jenderal Dwight D. Eisenhower, kejutan besar baginya dan seluruh negeri. Eisenhower akan memenangkan Pemilihan Primer Partai Republik 1952 pada 15 April 1952, dan akan bersaing dalam pemilihan umum melawan Stevenson dari 16 April 1952 hingga Hari Pemilihan.

Pada Hari Pemilihan 1952, tiket Stevenson-Johnson membuat sejarah pada tahun 1952 dengan menjadi tiket besar pertama dalam Sejarah AS yang tidak memenangkan negara bagian mana pun. Itu adalah salah satu pemilihan tertutup dalam sejarah AS -- pergeseran 24.000 suara di Texas dan Wisconsin akan memilih kembali Stevenson. Stevenson terbukti sangat tidak populer di kalangan Rakyat Amerika sehingga pada hari terakhirnya sebagai Presiden pada 19 Januari 1953, dia akan berada di Peringkat Persetujuan 0%.

Eisenhower akan dilantik sebagai Presiden Amerika Serikat ke-36 pada 20 Januari 1953, dengan Ketua Hakim Fred M. Vinson memberikan sumpah jabatan kepada Stevenson pada 12:55 EST dan Hakim Agung Stanley Forman Reed memberikan Sumpah Wakil Presiden Kantor ke Sparkman pada 12:30 PST, sehingga membuat Sparkman Presiden selama dua puluh menit.

Pasca Kepresidenan:

Setelah kepresidenan Stevenson, dia akan kembali ke residensinya di Libertyville, Illinois, di mana dia akan melakukan banyak kegiatan seperti melukis, menggambar, membalas surat dan surat penggemar (dia tidak melakukan ini sampai tahun 1957 karena ketidakpopulerannya tidak meningkat sampai sekitar tahun 1956)

Dia akan melawan Eisenhower lagi pada tahun 1956, dan Stevenson memiliki waktu yang lebih mudah untuk memenangkan lebih banyak negara bagian pada tahun 1956.  Melawan tiket Partai Republik Presiden Dwight D. Eisenhower dan Wakil Presiden Sen, Richard Nixon, tiket Stevenson-Johnson ditambahkan negara bagian Mississippi, Arkansas, Missouri, Alabama, Georgia, Carolina Utara, dan Carolina Selatan ke peta tahun 1952 untuk kemenangan perguruan tinggi pemilihan 457-73 dan kemenangan 57,4 persen berbanding 42 persen dalam pemilihan umum, tetapi masih kalah dari Eisenhower.


Adlai Stevenson, si kepala telur asli

Unitarian terakhir yang dinominasikan sebagai presiden Amerika Serikat.

Stevenson menyukai bahasa dan merupakan orator yang berbakat. Kecerdasan yang tajam, dia bisa berpikiran tinggi dan mencela diri sendiri. Dalam salah satu cerita yang sering dikutip, seorang pendukung berteriak, "Gubernur Stevenson, Anda memiliki suara dari semua orang yang berpikir," dan dia menjawab, "Itu tidak cukup, Nyonya. Saya butuh mayoritas.” Kolumnis New York Herald Tribune Stewart Alsop menciptakan istilah "kepala telor" untuk menggambarkan Stevenson yang sopan, intelektual, dan botak.

Bakat di antara penulis pidatonya sangat menakjubkan: Archibald MacLeish, John Kenneth Galbraith, John Hersey, Arthur Schlesinger Jr. Meski begitu, dia secara pribadi mengerjakan ulang setiap pidato, sering membuat ratusan perubahan, membuat orang banyak menunggu, bahkan membiarkan mereka bubar, sampai dia merasa siap. Penasihatnya bercanda bahwa dia lebih suka menulis daripada menjadi presiden, menurut penulis biografi Jean Baker.

Lawan politiknya pada tahun 1952 sangat kejam: calon wakil presiden Richard Nixon, Senator Joseph McCarthy, dan direktur FBI J. Edgar Hoover mencoreng kampanye Stevenson sebagai sekelompok "merah muda dan pansy."

Sebagai tanggapan, Stevenson menyindir, “Saya akan mengajukan proposal kepada teman-teman Partai Republik saya. . . bahwa jika mereka berhenti berbohong tentang Demokrat, kami akan berhenti mengatakan yang sebenarnya tentang mereka.”

Stevenson menikmati popularitas luar biasa secara internasional dan di antara kelas menengah Amerika yang berpendidikan perguruan tinggi. Selebriti Humphrey Bogart, Lauren Bacall, dan Eleanor Roosevelt berkampanye untuknya.

Pendukung memujanya tidak hanya karena gayanya tetapi juga karena menempatkan debat kebijakan di pusat kampanyenya dan karena menentang McCarthyisme. Kampanye New America-nya meramalkan program Kennedy dan Johnson dapat diterapkan, dan seruannya untuk mengakhiri uji coba nuklir menjadi Perjanjian Larangan Uji 1963. Pernah menjadi Pejuang Dingin, dia mengkritik pemerintahan Eisenhower karena kehilangan setengah dari Vietnam, dan dia mendukung pendekatan yang lambat terhadap hak-hak sipil dan perempuan, membuat marah para aktivis muda.

Di antara siklus pemilihan, Stevenson sering bepergian ke luar negeri. Dia berharap menjadi Menteri Luar Negeri dalam pemerintahan Demokrat berikutnya, tetapi John F. Kennedy menunjuknya sebagai duta besar PBB, posisi yang sesuai dengan pengalaman internasional dan keterampilan pidatonya.

Pada puncak karirnya, pada tahun 1962 Stevenson dengan terkenal menuntut agar perwakilan Soviet untuk PBB mengatakan apakah negaranya memasang rudal di Kuba: “Jangan menunggu terjemahannya. Jawab ya atau tidak!" Ketika duta besar Soviet bingung, Stevenson menghasilkan foto-foto yang membuktikan keberadaan mereka.

Stevenson tumbuh Unitarian. Ibunya adalah seorang Unitarian Republik, ayahnya seorang Presbiterian Demokrat. "Saya berakhir di pestanya dan gerejanya, yang tampaknya merupakan solusi yang tepat untuk masalah ini," katanya suka.

Ketika Asosiasi Universalis Unitarian dibentuk pada tahun 1961, Stevenson menulis kepada Pendeta Dana McLean Greeley, presiden pertamanya, “Selamat atas pemilihan Anda sebagai presiden. Saya tahu dari desas-desus betapa memuaskannya hal itu.”

Setelah putranya selamat dari kecelakaan mobil yang serius pada tahun 1955, Stevenson bergabung dengan gereja Presbiterian di Lake Forest, Illinois, dekat rumahnya. Ketika beberapa Unitarian menuduhnya menggunakan agama untuk tujuan politik, Stevenson menjelaskan bahwa dia sering menghadiri gereja ayahnya ketika dia tinggal di kota-kota yang tidak memiliki gereja Unitarian, tetapi dia selalu merasa setia kepada gerejanya di Bloomington, Illinois. . Para menteri dari kedua denominasi menulis surat kepadanya, meyakinkan dia bahwa afiliasi ganda tidak menjadi masalah.

Stevenson meninggal karena serangan jantung di London pada tahun 1965. Presiden Lyndon Johnson, Wakil Presiden Hubert Humphrey, dan penulis John Steinbeck menghadiri upacara peringatannya di Gereja Unitarian di Bloomington. Greeley menyampaikan pidato, menyebut Stevenson "warga universal."


Selengkapnya Tentang Fasilitas Ini

Program

Jalur Berpanduan Sendiri

Tanda-tanda interpretatif yang ditempatkan di sepanjang jalur berpemandu sendiri memberikan informasi sejarah tentang situs tersebut. Pengaturan yang damai memungkinkan pengunjung untuk mengalami pemandangan bersejarah yang mirip dengan bagaimana itu muncul ketika Stevenson tinggal di sini.

Jalur mandiri di sekitar properti buka pukul 06:30&ndashsunset, setiap hari. Harap jaga agar anjing selalu diikat dan di jalan setapak setiap saat, dan jemput mereka. Pelajari tentang Taman Anjing tanpa tali kami (diperlukan izin).

Pameran

Gedung layanan, dan pameran tentang kehidupan dan karier Stevenson, buka setiap hari mulai pukul 9 pagi & 5 sore.

Tur Terpandu

Kelompok sekolah menengah dan komunitas dapat mengatur tur berpemandu yang dipimpin oleh salah satu staf Sumber Daya Budaya kami. Hubungi 847-968-3422 untuk detailnya.

Sejarah

Pada tahun 1935, Adlai E. Stevenson II dan istrinya, Ellen Borden, membeli 70 hektar tanah untuk membangun rumah bagi keluarga mereka.

Rumah pertama yang mereka bangun, dengan konstruksi "tahan api", terbakar segera setelah dibangun. Banyak barang-barang keluarga dan barang antik hilang dalam kebakaran tersebut. Rumah yang berdiri saat ini adalah rumah kedua, dibangun di lokasi pada tahun 1938. Seperti rumah pertama, awalnya dicat kuning, yang merupakan warna favorit Ellen.

Rumah modern dan bergaya Art Deco karena kesederhanaan desainnya, dan penggunaan bentuk geometris, simetri, dan fitur yang melangkah atau melengkung. Art Deco adalah gerakan desain internasional yang populer selama tahun 1920-an dan 1930-an. Banyak jendela besar, beranda, dan dek yang ditampilkan di seluruh rumah memberikan pemandangan indah dari properti yang luas.

Ruangan terpenting di rumah adalah ruang belajar. Ketika dia di rumah, Stevenson menghabiskan sebagian besar waktunya di mejanya di ruangan ini, menulis pidato dan buku, dan bertemu dengan pejabat tinggi seperti Eleanor Roosevelt, teman dekat dan tamu yang sering datang di rumah, dan John F. Kennedy. Berjalan melalui rumah dan pekarangan akan membawa Anda selangkah lebih dekat untuk lebih memahami pria luar biasa ini.

Bangunan kedua yang terletak di properti adalah gedung layanan, dibangun pada tahun 1937 oleh firma Anderson dan Ticknor dari Lake Forest, Illinois. Bangunan ini menampung garasi, kandang kuda, dan apartemen penjaga, Frank Holland, dan keluarganya. Holland adalah manajer pertanian dan pengurus keluarga Stevenson dari tahun 1937 hingga 1963, dan lagi dari tahun 1965 hingga 1970.

Lokasi

Rumah Bersejarah Adlai E. Stevenson adalah bagian dari Hutan Lindung Kapten Daniel Wright Woods dengan tempat parkir terpisah yang tersedia di Saint Mary's Road antara Everett Road dan Illinois Route 60.


Adlai Stevenson - Sejarah

Wakil Presiden Adlai E. Stevenson I

Gubernur Adlai E. Stevenson II

Senator Adlai E. Stevenson III

Adlai Ewing Stevenson I (23 Oktober 1835 - 14 Juni 1914) adalah seorang jaksa wilayah, Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat AS Asisten Pertama Postmaster Jenderal di masa jabatan pertama Grover Cleveland terpilih sebagai Wakil Presiden pada tahun 1892, kandidat yang gagal untuk Wakil Presiden dengan William Jennings Bryan pada tahun 1900 dan untuk Gubernur Illinois pada tahun 1912. Putranya, Lewis menjabat sebagai Sekretaris Negara Bagian Illinois.

Adlai Ewing Stevenson II (5 Februari 1900 – 14 Juli 1965) adalah seorang pengacara, ia bertugas di banyak tugas selama Pemerintahan Roosevelt dan Truman, termasuk sebagai asisten Sekretaris Angkatan Laut selama Perang Dunia II dan sebagai arsitek PBB setelah perang. Dia terpilih sebagai Gubernur Illinois pada tahun 1948. Sebagai calon Presiden Demokrat pada tahun 1952 dan 1956 dan pemimpin "Titular" Partai, dia memulai proses pengendalian senjata strategis dan meletakkan dasar program untuk Perbatasan Baru John F. Kennedy dan Masyarakat Besar dari Lyndon Johnson. Pada tahun 1961, ia diangkat sebagai Duta Besar dan Perwakilan AS untuk Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa dan menjabat di posisi itu sampai kematiannya.

Adlai Ewing Stevenson III (lahir 10 Oktober 1930) adalah seorang pengacara dan veteran Korps Marinir Korea, ia bertugas di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Illinois, sebagai Bendahara Negara Bagian Illinois dan di Senat AS dari tahun 1970 hingga 1981. Ia adalah kandidat Demokrat yang gagal untuk Gubernur Illinois pada tahun 1982 dan 1986 meskipun pemilihan 1982 hampir terikat. Terlepas dari bukti penyimpangan yang meluas, ia ditolak penghitungan ulang dengan satu suara di Mahkamah Agung Illinois. Kehidupan Stevenson telah lama berfokus pada kebijakan publik dan kegiatan terkait bisnis di Asia Timur. Dia telah dianugerahi Ordo Harta Karun Suci Jepang dengan bintang emas dan perak dan merupakan Profesor kehormatan Universitas Renmin, PR China.


Lari Kedua Adlai Stevenson

Adlai Stevenson mencalonkan diri untuk kedua kalinya melawan Eisenhower pada tahun 1956, tetapi Eisenhower memenangkan pemilihan bahkan lebih meyakinkan daripada pada tahun 1952.

Ketika 1.372 delegasi konvensi nasional Partai Demokrat berkumpul di Chicago pada 13 Agustus 1956, Adlai E. Stevenson adalah hal yang pasti untuk dicalonkan sebagai kandidat Partai melawan Presiden Eisenhower yang sedang menjabat.

Itu adalah kesempatan keduanya, karena ia telah berlari melawan Eisenhower dengan tidak berhasil empat tahun sebelumnya. Sekarang lima puluh enam, Stevenson berasal dari keluarga Illinois dengan catatan terkenal dalam politik Demokrat: kakeknya pernah menjadi Wakil Presiden pada tahun 1890-an. Dengan praktik hukum yang sukses di Chicago dan beragam pengalaman di Washington, ia telah mengambil bagian dalam organisasi Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa setelah 1945 dan terpilih sebagai Gubernur Illinois pada tahun 1948. Pada tahun 1952 setelah pidatonya yang brilian di konvensi Partai, ia dipilih untuk melawan Eisenhower. Dia mendapat dukungan dari para bos kota Chicago, yang lebih memilih dia daripada Senator Estes Kefauver dari Tennessee, yang penyelidikannya atas kejahatan terorganisir telah mengganggu mereka. Eisenhower memenangkan pemilihan tahun 1952 dengan mudah, dengan 55 persen suara populer dan mayoritas besar di lembaga pemilihan.

Selama empat tahun berikutnya, Stevenson adalah Demokrat terkemuka di negara itu. Cerdas, beradab dan canggih, dia adalah pembicara yang cerdas dan bergaya dan kesayangan para intelektual Demokrat. Itu benar-benar tipikal dia untuk mengatakan bahwa 'hal tersulit tentang kampanye politik apa pun adalah bagaimana menang tanpa membuktikan bahwa Anda tidak layak untuk menang.' Ketika 1956 datang, Senator Kefauver mulai berkampanye dengan berkembang, memenangkan pemilihan pendahuluan Demokrat di New Hampshire dan Minnesota, tetapi kemudian Stevenson mengubah dirinya sendiri. Dia mengambil negara bagian penting California dengan baik dan pada bulan Juli Kefauver mengundurkan diri dari kontes dan mengumumkan dukungannya untuk Stevenson. Pada konvensi pencalonan Gubernur Stevenson dipindahkan oleh Senator John F. Kennedy dari Massachusetts. Mantan Presiden Harry S. Truman, yang mengatakan bahwa Stevenson 'terlalu kalah untuk menang', menominasikan Gubernur Averell Harriman dari New York, tetapi Stevenson menang dengan mudah pada pemungutan suara pertama dengan 905-dan-a-setengah suara, yang dua- sepertiga dari total, jauh di depan Harriman dengan 210, Senator Lyndon B. Johnson dari Texas dengan 80 dan berbagai macam 'putra favorit' dengan lebih sedikit. Stevenson memperoleh semua suara delegasi dari delapan belas negara bagian, termasuk California, dan mayoritas suara dari tujuh belas lainnya, di antaranya Illinois dan Massachusetts, serta delegasi dari Alaska, Hawaii, dan Puerto Rico. Gubernur Stevenson sekarang mengumumkan bahwa, bertentangan dengan semua preseden, dia tidak akan menunjukkan preferensi untuk pasangannya. Untuk kengerian dan keheranan para profesional Partai, dia menyerahkan pilihan calon Wakil Presiden kepada konvensi. Setelah dua pemungutan suara Senator Kefauver (Truman selalu secara pribadi memanggilnya 'Cow-fever') terpilih dengan 750 suara melawan 593 untuk Senator Kennedy. Bagian bawah daftar adalah Senator Hubert H. Humphrey dari Minnesota dengan lima suara. Yang paling diuntungkan adalah Kennedy, yang memperoleh ketenaran nasional tanpa harus berjalan bersama pecundang. Penikmat menganggap kampanye berikutnya agak membosankan, meskipun terkadang ada momen seperti seorang wanita hamil yang berparade dengan spanduk bertuliskan 'Stevenson Is The Man'. Eisenhower berbicara dalam generalisasi yang tinggi. 'Serahkan teriakan kepada oposisi' adalah nasihatnya kepada Partai Republik, dan itu berhasil. Stevenson berjanji untuk mengakhiri pengujian senjata nuklir Amerika dan menghapus rancangan tersebut. Eisenhower menentangnya dengan alasan keamanan nasional, dan krisis Suez serta penindasan Soviet terhadap pemberontakan di Hongaria menunjukkan kepada banyak orang Amerika bahwa Eisenhower benar. Dia memenangkan pemilihan bahkan lebih meyakinkan daripada pada tahun 1952, mengambil 58 persen suara populer dan memenangkan perguruan tinggi pemilihan dengan 457 berbanding 73.


Adlai Stevenson

Pertama kali saya melihat Adlai Stevenson adalah pada bulan Juli 1953. Setelah kampanye tahun 1952 yang luar biasa tapi gagal, dia menghabiskan lima bulan bepergian, sebagian besar di Asia. Dia telah menerima pengakuan dunia untuk menentang kekalahan nasionalnya. London adalah tahap terakhir dari perjalanannya. Saya mendengar dia berbicara singkat di pertemuan teh House of Commons semua partai. Ketua memperkenalkannya dengan ketidakberpihakan yang agak sadar diri: Amerika memang beruntung bisa memilih di antara dua kandidat yang berbeda, Jenderal Eisenhower dan Gubernur Stevenson.

Balasan Stevenson kurang tepat. Saya mengingatnya sebagai singkat, anggun, mencela diri sendiri, dan sedikit mengharukan. Itu bukan Olympian, tapi menyenangkan dan memuaskan. Ini menegaskan saya, kemudian backbencher muda dengan beberapa kontak Amerika, dalam pandangan sederhana bahwa itu adalah tragedi dia tidak terpilih.

Saya tidak berbicara dengannya pada kesempatan itu. Saya juga tidak mengenalnya sampai tujuh atau delapan tahun telah berlalu dan dia menderita kekalahan lebih lanjut pada tahun 1956, masih lebih hebat dari yang sebelumnya, dan, dengan pencalonan dan pemilihan John F. Kennedy pada tahun 1960, eliminasi terakhir. dari harapan Presidennya. Kemudian dalam empat tahun terakhir hidupnya, ketika dia menjadi duta besar yang terkenal tetapi tidak sepenuhnya bahagia untuk PBB, saya sering melihatnya. Saya berbicara dengannya di telepon satu jam sebelum dia meninggal. Saya telah mengirim pesan yang memintanya untuk bertemu dengan beberapa orang saat makan siang di rumah saya pada hari berikutnya. Dia menelepon kembali untuk menerima dengan antusias setiap keterlibatan sosial, terutama yang kecil, yang selalu berhasil dia tunjukkan. "Bagus," katanya saat kami menyimpulkan, "Aku akan menemuimu setelah jam satu besok." Dia tidak melakukannya. Sore itu dia pingsan dan meninggal di trotoar Brook Street.

Dia berusia enam puluh lima tahun, dilahirkan, dengan nyaman untuk memperhitungkan usianya secara bertahap dalam karirnya, pada awal tahun 1900. Dia menjalani hidupnya di Amerika yang setara dengan zaman Victoria Inggris. Berbeda dengan aslinya, itu bukan masa damai. Tetapi dalam banyak hal lain, enam puluh tahun pertama abad ini bagi Amerika memiliki banyak karakteristik dari tahun-tahun panjang pemerintahan Ratu lama. Ada perasaan yang sama tentang kekuatan yang terus berkembang, keyakinan yang sama bahwa kekayaan materi yang meningkat dengan cepat mengandung kunci bagi sebagian besar masalah bangsa dan dunia, keyakinan yang sama bahwa sistem politik domestik, apa pun cacatnya, adalah yang terbaik. sejarah pernah melihat dan bahwa prinsip-prinsip dasarnya, tunduk pada kemasan khusus kecil, cocok untuk ekspor maupun untuk konsumsi rumah. Tentu saja ada perbedaan. Kemunduran tahun-tahun kemerosotan Amerika lebih parah daripada apa pun yang dikenal di Inggris Victoria, tetapi dalam konteks abad kesengsaraan yang mengikuti 1929 relatif berumur pendek. Dan sifat asal-usul yang berbeda dari orang-orang Amerika, bersama dengan tradisi kekerasan yang muncul dari Perang Saudara dan penyelesaian Barat, berarti bahwa selalu ada arus bawah ketakutan dan ketegangan yang lebih kuat.

Namun, sepanjang masa hidup Stevenson, ini tidak lebih dari merusak permukaan kepercayaan diri nasional Amerika. Suara liberalnya berbicara dari dalam kerangka jaminan. Itu adalah suara yang, meskipun tidak pernah mencapai posisi otoritas penuh, membantu membudayakan dan membuat lebih bertanggung jawab kekuatan Amerika yang melimpah ini. Itu membuatnya lebih dapat diterima oleh dunia. Dia menantang kepuasan diri Eisenhower dan keegoisan John Foster Dulles dan merupakan penyeimbang dari kekasaran Lyndon Johnson. Namun dia tetap merupakan produk, meskipun sensitif dan tidak mementingkan diri sendiri, dari periode kepemimpinan Amerika ini. Baginya tidak pernah ada konflik antara liberalisme dan komitmen di luar negeri. Bertanggung jawab berarti terlibat, dari Berlin hingga Korea, dari Asia Tenggara hingga Amerika Latin.

Latar belakang kekuasaan ini jauh dari memberinya keyakinan diri yang kurang ajar. Dia mempertanyakan dari waktu ke waktu apakah dia cocok untuk kantor yang dia perjuangkan selama satu dekade dan apakah karir publik tidak selalu merusak kepribadian pribadi seorang pria. Tetapi dia tidak mempertanyakan parameter di mana, jika dia berhasil, dia akan berusaha untuk menggunakan kekuatan tertinggi atau di mana, tanpa keberhasilan penuh, dia menggunakan pengaruh yang sangat besar yang dibawa oleh ketenarannya.

Ada pandangan bahwa Stevenson adalah tokoh kelas atas klasik dalam politik Amerika. Saya pikir pandangan ini salah, baik dalam fakta maupun dalam kesimpulan. Stevenson tidak berasal dari latar belakang kelas atas. Aristokrasi Amerika adalah aristokrasi kekayaan, lebih disukai kekayaan tua dan sebagian besar pesisir timur. Keluarganya mapan, tetapi mereka bukan orang Timur dan, meskipun sangat nyaman, tidak memiliki kekayaan yang besar. Dia menjalani hidupnya dengan latar belakang yang aman dan mapan, tetapi dia jauh lebih sedikit terpengaruh oleh asal usul dan hak istimewa keluarganya daripada Franklin Roosevelt, atau Nelson Rockefeller, atau Averell Harriman. Dan sebagai seorang politisi, keragu-raguan, kecerobohan, dan ketidakmampuannya yang kadang-kadang lebih merupakan produk dari kepribadian yang rumit dan agak menyedihkan daripada sindrom sosial mana pun.

“Orang Amerika selalu berasumsi, secara tidak sadar, bahwa semua masalah dapat diselesaikan bahwa setiap cerita memiliki akhir yang bahagia bahwa penerapan energi dan niat baik yang cukup dapat membuat semuanya menjadi benar. Jika dilihat dari sejarah kita, anggapan ini cukup wajar. Sebagai manusia, kami tidak pernah menemui hambatan yang tidak dapat kami atasi. Para peziarah mengalami musim dingin pertama yang sulit, tetapi setelah itu koloni berkembang. Valley Forge diikuti secara alami oleh Yorktown. Daniel Boone selalu menemukan jalannya melalui hutan. We crossed the Alleghenies and the Mississippi and the Rockies with an impetus that nothing could stop. The wagon trains got through the Pony Express delivered the mail… the Union was somehow preserved. We never came across a river we couldn’t bridge, a depression we couldn’t overcome, a war we couldn’t win. So far, we have never known the tragedy, frustration and sometimes defeat which are ingrained in the memories of all other peoples.” —1954

Stevenson was born in Los Angeles. His father, Lewis Stevenson, spent about ten years in various places on the West Coast, mainly because he thought it would be good for his always somewhat ailing health. In 1906 he came back to Illinois, to Bloomington, the hometown of himself and his wife and their many relations, and became a largescale farm manager, supervising twelve thousand acres on behalf of an aunt. Bloomington, a hundred twenty-five miles southwest of Chicago, then had about thirty thousand inhabitants and was an agreeable mixture of farm center and college town. The Stevenson forebears had been there since it became a settled community about 1850. They were all of old American stock and had come in from Pennsylvania, Kentucky, and the Carolinas.

Lewis Stevenson also engaged mildly in politics, becoming Illinois secretary of state in 1913. He knew the great national figures of the Democratic Party, to which he had a firm hereditary affiliation, and they treated him as a figure of considerable local importance.

Lewis Stevenson’s father, Adlai E. Stevenson i, was a more serious politician. He had been appointed Assistant Postmaster General in Grover Cleveland’s first administration and won the Vice-presidential nomination in 1892, when Cleveland became the only President ever to go back to the White House. Adlai i served his four years in Wash- ington and then returned to Bloomington. He died in 1914.

This was Stevenson’s family background: political, prosperous, rooted, small-town oriented. It was an agreeable and on the whole relaxed upbringing, marred by one dreadful and little-known incident. When he was twelve, he accidentally shot dead in his own house a sixteen-yearold girl, who was his sister’s closest friend and a distant cousin of them both. He was hardly guilty even of carelessness. The gun with which he was playing had been sent for and checked as empty of bullets by the older children. But the effect of the tragedy was temporarily devastating and musi have left some more permanent scars. It may have accounted for the fact that although he went to school in the East, as his father had done before him, he did not go until he was sixteen. He then went to Choate in Connecticut for two years and next to Princeton. He had some difficulty in getting in. Throughout his life, indeed, and contrary to widespread belief, his intellectual qualities were never particularly strong. He read comparatively little and very slowly, often moving his lips as he did so. He preferred to inform himself through the ear rather than the eye. He was quick to have some idea of what was in the books he had not read.

He graduated in 1922, went on to Harvard Law School, and was admitted to the Illinois bar in June, 1926. By the end of the year he had established himself, by Princeton rather than nepotic influence, as a law clerk in a Chicago firm of highest repute and the best possible financial contacts. For the rest of his life Stevenson became to some considerable extent a Chicago man. Bloomington rather faded into the background. He maintained the connection when campaigning in mid-Illinois, of course, but not much on other occasions.

It was his early Chicago life, more than his family and Bloomington upbringing, that put upon Stevenson something of the stamp of a Scott Fitzgerald socialite of the restless twenties. In fact he was not very restless, nor particularly pleasure-loving, and he worked hard, with growing but not sensational success, at the law. He lived mostly in a small apartment on the North Shore Gold Coast but spent much of the summer in a shared house at Lake Forest. So he was never far from the center of the social scene. The culmination of this phase of his life was his marriage in December, 1928, to Ellen Borden. She was rich, pretty, and barely twenty, one of the most soughtafter butterflies of the Chicago scene. She lived in a mockRenaissance chateau on Lake Shore Drive. Her father, rich by inheritance, both made and lost a lot of money. But in 1928 he, like most American men of property, was on the upswing.

The marriage was a gradual failure. Various explanations have been offered for this, the most frequent being that Ellen Stevenson resented the shift in the balance of fame and found no compensation in her husband’s mounting political success. At the beginning she was the more sought-after and he witty, charming, and easy social coinage, but superficially little more. At the end, twenty-one years later, he was a national figure, and the Borden fortune had largely disappeared. Not having known Mrs. Stevenson, I express no opinion. What is certain is that the breakup was a source of deep and lasting distress to Stevenson.

Stevenson’s first foray away from La Salle Street and Lake Forest came at the beginning of Roosevelt’s first term. Partly through the agency of Harold Ickes, the new Secretary of the Interior, he went to Washington for eighteen months as an assistant counsel in the Agricultural Assistance Administration. Then he returned to Chicago and his law practice. He became a partner in 1Q35 and with the reorganization and renaming of the firm in 1937 graduated to a major role and a steadily enlarging income. By the outbreak of the war in Europe he was making thirty or forty thousand dollars a year.

“Diplomacy… is not the art of asserting ever more emphatically that attitudes should not be what they clearly are. It is not the repudiation of actuality, but the recognition of actuality, and the use of actuality to advance our national interests.” —1954

During this period he also became increasingly involved in community affairs, notably the Council on Foreign Relations but also a few charities, a cross-party cleangovernment league, and some regular party activity at the time of Roosevelt’s second-term election. He was then thirty-six, and it is doubtful if he had ever before made a straight political speech. Nor did he make more than a handful for another twelve years thereafter. But he nonetheless began to make a minority-audience public name for himself. His introduction of visiting speakers at the council became known as models of wit and felicity. They were delivered in a throwaway manner. They were not so composed. On one occasion when he was asked to insert a new point, he recoiled in horror. He could not possibly do it without at least an hour’s further preparation.

In 1939 he spent the early summer in England and returned oppressed by the shadow of the coming war. Soon after his return he began his first substantial political enterprise, his first attempt to mold opinion. He became chairman of the Chicago chapter of William Alien White’s Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies. The length of the title was made necessary by an ambiguity of approach. The aim was to produce an Allied victory while keeping America at peace. Chicago was a key segment of the ideological battle line. Isolationist sentiment was strong there. Stevenson had to stand up to a lot of abuse, both public and private. He greatly disliked it, but his controversial nerves improved under the bombardment.

In July, 1941, he again took a job in Washington, as personal assistant to Frank Knox, whom Roosevelt had recently appointed Secretary of the Navy. Later that year he began to be attracted by elective office and contemplated the possibility of running for the United States Senate. But American entry into the war turned his thoughts away from that. He stayed with Knox until 1943, and was then sent to try to organize civil administration in Italy. At the end of the war and in early 1946 he was occupied with the organization of the United Nations.

A year after the end of war in Europe he was once more back in his Chicago law office. He was forty-six. He had refused an embassy. He had a good record of public service. He had developed a feel for diplomatic negotiation and some rather ill-directed sense of ambition. Not for the first or last time in his life he was uncertain what he wanted to do.

By the summer of 1947 he again began to be tentatively, mock-reluctantly, interested in elective office. A Presidential year was on the horizon. President Truman’s stock was low, and the likelihood of his defeat looked overwhelming. On the other hand the possibility of a Democrat of Stevenson’s stamp securing nomination in Illinois had improved. The old Kelly-Nash machine had been beaten in Chicago. Colonel Jacob Arvey had taken over as head of the Cook County Democratic organization. Maurice Kennelly, a successful Irish businessman with a reform reputation and a broad appeal, had triumphantly replaced Kelly as mayor.

As in 1941, it was the Senate that attracted Stevenson. If nominated, he could run against an isolationist incumbent who was an old enemy. If elected, he could pursue his main foreign-policy interests. A trio of influential Chicago gentlemen with little direct political involvement began to canvass actively on his behalf. There were also recommendations from Mrs. Roosevelt and Secretary Byrnes. Arvey was half-impressed. Mayor Kennelly’s success, and his own predilections, made him open to the idea of candidates with an appeal to middle opinion. But he was not sure about either Stevenson or his associates. He thought they might be too detached from the realities even of reformed Illinois politics. He made inquiries and gratefully received an assurance from Stevenson that, contrary to rumor, he had not been at Oxford, and “not even Eton.” Eventually Arvey gave them half of what they wanted. He preferred Paul Douglas for the Senate nomination, but Stevenson could run for governor. A thirtyman committee would make the formal decisions, but Arvey had made up his mind.

Stevenson had more difficulty in making up his. He finally gave a rather miserable positive answer five minutes before the deadline that Arvey had calmly set him. There was a good objective reason for his doubt. It was federal, not state, politics that interested him. But there were probably subjective factors, too. He always liked to be pressed to do a job rather than to seek it. To accept a bone that he had been tossed was not easily compatible with this stance.

Nevertheless it was, of course, a sizable bone. Illinois was a great state, and the governorship, with its tradition of Altgeld, a great office. In the past, at least, it had counted for more than the Senate. It took him back to his family roots. And as the campaign wore on he became captivated by the power and personality of a state that was almost a country.

“There’s an important difference, it seems to me, between Communism as we view it and Communism as some of the Asian peoples view it. When we think of Communism we think of what we are going to lose. When many of the Asiatics think of Communism they think of what they are going to gain—especially if they believe that they have nothing to lose.” —1952

The nomination was far from equivalent to election. Stevenson’s opponent was Dwight Green, who had been governor since 1940. He had started as a reformer, but he and his administration had deteriorated into lethargy and corruption. Green was nevertheless a considerable figure who, right up to the Republican convention, was a real possibility for either position on his party’s national ticket. His defensive position looked reasonably strong.

Stevenson’s campaign ran well but not easily. The machine, having tossed him the nomination, left him on his own until the last few weeks. His amateurs were enthusiastic but not very efficient. And his rich friends proved less forthcoming with their money than they had earlier suggested. He was occasionally down almost to his own resources. His speaking was at first rather hesitant and overprepared. Later the overpreparation did not show through, but it continued to occupy a great deal of his time and meant that his set-piece speeches could not be as thickly surrounded by handshaking expeditions as his supporters wished.

But he seemed to be making an impact upon the voters. His favorite campaign phrase was “I am not a politician, I am a citizen.” By the eve of the election his prospects had clearly advanced well beyond the ten-to-one chance that was all he had been allowed in the summer. But his supporters were far less confident than he was himself.

In the event he won a landslide victory, with a record majority of more than a half million.

By his 1948 victory Stevenson established himself as a vote getter in a key state. It remained to be seen what he would make of the governorship of Illinois. The next four years gave him the only opportunity of his life for the exercise of major executive responsibility. They are therefore important in any evaluation of how good a President he would have made.

He worked extremely hard. In part this was a reaction to the breakup of his marriage after nine months at Springfield. This left him somewhat lonely in the Executive Mansion, oversized in its pre-Civil War gingerbread style. Yet he was not alone. His sister and her retired diplomat husband soon moved in. He had a lot of friends, whom he was frequently with there or elsewhere. And he was surrounded by a devoted staff, mostly of young Chicago lawyers, with whom he was on easy and intimate terms. It was not absolute loneliness but more a desire to prove himself by public success to compensate for private failure. “I have failed as a husband. I have failed as a father. I will succeed as a governor,” he rather overdramatically told his sister when, late one night, she tried to drag him away from his office.

Yet the keynote of his administration was certainly not demonic. It was far too urbane for that. He rarely lost his temper. He was confronted with a difficult legislature: a bare but fairly corrupt Democratic majority in the house, a Republican one in the state senate. He eschewed deals, sometimes quite respectable ones, but maintained relations with all who could help him and resorted to occasional polite and moderately effective public admonition. He got two-thirds of his legislative program through, but the last third contained many of the most important measures.

If the legislature frustrated some of his bills, so he frustrated some of theirs. He was one of the most elegant drafters of veto messages in the history of American executive office. This elegance reflected itself in his speaking style, which became firmly established during these years. It was self-deprecatory, evocative, and literary, and it raised the sights of most of his audiences without disappearing over their horizons. He did not hold them by flashing eye or stirring populism, but he caressed them with a persuasive high-mindedness without in most instances causing a deep unease. He did not shock his listeners, but he tried hard to explain to them the more difficult issues.

If there was a fault of form, it was a lack of a hard structure of logical argument. He shone shafts of light and wit into most subjects, but he did not relentlessly take the subjects apart and then put them together again in his own mold. His speeches were isolated works of art rather than stations on a line along which he wished to travel. He half acknowledged this when, at the end of his political career, he was introducing John Kennedy in California: “Do you remember,” he said, “that in classical times when Cicero had finished speaking, the people said, ‘How well he spoke,’ but when Demosthenes had finished speaking, they said, ‘Let us march’ ?”

Stevenson’s reputation increased steadily throughout his period as governor. He gave the state better government in a nonideological way. He took the highway police and some other agencies out of politics. He got better men to accept public appointments. He vastly improved the provision for mental health. As his term went on, his national publicity grew into a favorable flood. He was clearly of Presidential quality.

Yet he did not want to be a candidate in 1952. He wanted to go on as governor. This was partly out of shrewdness and partly out of modesty. Once he realized that Elsenhower was likely to be the Republican candidate, he did not believe that with twenty years of office round their necks the Democrats could win. He also had some doubt about his own fitness for the supreme office. And to this he added a special fastidiousness about taking the plunge into full and lasting fame. “I can’t bear the possibility of never really being alone again,” he told a friend, “of never, as long as I live, being unidentified, of never again being a private person.” Accordingly, when Truman summoned Stevenson to Washington in January, 1952, and offered him Presidential support for the nomination, Stevenson said No. But the Stevenson boom continued to grow.

The convention assembled in Chicago in mid-July. On the Sunday Stevenson met the Illinois delegation and reiterated his reluctance: “I ask … that you all abide by my wishes not to nominate me, nor to vote for me if I should be nominated.” On the Monday he went some way to neutralize this by a welcoming speech, which as governor of the home state it naturally fell to him to make and which was perfectly phrased to arouse the enthusiasm of the delegates. One act of self-discipline that he could not impose upon himself was deliberately to make a bad speech.

On the Thursday his name was placed in nomination by the governor of Indiana. On the Friday balloting began. On the third ballot he was quickly pushed over the required total.

It was the only draft in American history apart from that of Garfield in 1880, and that was on the thirty-sixth ballot. But even Stevenson’s took a little time. When it had happened, but only then, he accepted Truman’s sponsorship. He entered the convention hall with the President and was presented to the delegates by him. His acceptance speech contained some notable passages, both of phrase and of substance, although, oddly, the style in places now reads a little floridly. But the central message was clear: Let’s talk sense to the American people. Let’s tell them the truth, that there are no gains without pains. … The people are wise- wiser than the Republicans think. And the Democratic Party is the people’s party, not the labor party, not the farmers’ party—it is the party of everyone. That, I think, is our ancient mission. Where we have deserted it, we have failed. With your help there will be no desertion now. Better we lose the election than mislead the people better we lose than misgovern the people.

Stevenson had set his own style for the campaign, except that there were no jokes on this occasion. He would make a high-minded, nonpartisan appeal, stressing America’s world role and world duty. His reluctance right to the last moment was no doubt genuine. Had it been a calculated cloak for a relentless, unvarying ambition, it would have required not merely a degree of self-deceit that was alien to his character but also a monumental nerve and selfconfidence that were equally unlike him.

At the same time there was an element of a two-way bet about his behavior. Maybe he was not equipped for the Presidency. In any event, 1956 might be a better year. But if he was to be the candidate in 1952, he had to be on his own terms. He had to be free of at least some part of Truman’s legacy. He had to fight, not as an heir, but as someone who would introduce a new spirit into Washington. His reluctance lost him Truman’s friendship but gave him as much of this freedom as it was possible for any Democrat to achieve.

It did not give him victory. Eisenhower was ahead at the beginning and remained so throughout. Probably it could not have been otherwise. Eisenhower was as near to unbeatable as it was possible to be. His combination of folksiness and reassurance was immensely appealing to Middle America. It made him impervious to Stevenson’s higherminded, more articulate campaign.

“And to the Soviet Union I would say: There are laws of history more profound, more inescapable than the laws dreamed up by Marx and Lenin- laws which belong not to class relationships or stages of economic development, but to the nature and the destiny of man himself. Among these laws is the certainty that war follows when new empires thrust into collapsing ruins of the old. So stay your ambitions … do not sabotage the only institution [the United Nations] which offers an alternative to imperialism.” —1961

Eisenhower would “lead a crusade” (he had led one already, he stressed) to “clear up the mess in Washington.” He would be hard on corruption and communism. Still more important for vote winning was his “I shall go to Korea” statement at Detroit on October 24. The war there hung heavily over the nation throughout the campaign. Although more creditable and successful than its successor in Vietnam, it was nonetheless almost as unpopular, although less frenetically so. Eisenhower’s promise to go there came as a shaft of light. Most Americans did not ask what he would do when he arrived. The General would surely find a way out. Stevenson responded with a clearly argued but defensive antiappeasement statement. It was less appealing than the hopeful ambiguity of his opponent.

“7 don’t share the concern of some of my contemporaries about student demonstrations. I rather like their involvement in great issues. But if I could offer demonstrators one word of advice I would say that to state goals is easy to tell us how to get there is not so easy. ” —1965

It was an exchange that was typical of the campaign. Stevenson’s speeches were more responsible, better phrased, better delivered, enlivened by a wit that was wholly lacking in Eisenhower (“I offer my opponents a bargain: if they will stop telling falsehoods about us, I will stop telling the truth about them”), and better received by the immediate audiences. But they made less impact across the nation, partly because they were less well reported by an overwhelmingly Republican press and partly because their message was less simple. Stevenson also spread his effort across too wide and diffuse a range of subjects.

Eisenhower’s campaign had some seamy edges. He did not disavow McCarthyism and indeed appeared with the senator in Wisconsin, cutting out of his speech there a passage of praise for General George Marshall, whom McCarthy had viciously attacked, which had been in the original draft. This aroused Stevenson’s particular contempt. “Crusade indeed” was his comment. Marshall was “General Eisenhower’s greatest benefactor.” Yet the General had given his hand to those, not only McCarthy, but also Senator Jenner of Indiana, who had traduced him. This was a break from Stevenson’s habit of courteous, almost overcourteous, treatment of his opponent. He reserved most of his acerbic remarks for the then Senator Nixon, second man on the Republican ticket, who specialized in suggesting that the Democratic candidate was steeped in the Acheson-inspired conspiracy to hand over the United States to communism. Stevenson called him “the brash and patronizing young man who aspires to be Vice President” and forcibly defended his own position in terms of classical liberalism.

Stevenson wound up his campaign in Chicago, where it had started, and awaited the returns in Springfield. At 9 P.M. he was told what the result would be and accepted it calmly.

He carried only nine states, all in or on the edge of the South. A few hours later Stevenson went across to his local hotel headquarters and conceded graciously. He added, spontaneously it seemed, that someone had once asked a fellow townsman—Lincoln—how it felt to lose: “He said that it felt like a little boy who had stubbed his toe in the dark. He said that he was too old to cry, but it hurt too much to laugh.” He was as urbane in defeat as he had been four years before in victory.

Defeat in the Presidential campaign of 1952 left Adlai Stevenson with a lasting fame, both at home and abroad dedicated minority support, particularly among the educated young, balanced by a strong current of criticism from others about the way in which he had conducted the campaign and no very clear political role. His ardent supporters felt that he had widened their horizons and given them a purpose and commitment in politics that they had never before experienced. His detractors pointed out, with some justification, that he had been aloof, not very good on television, above the heads of much of his audience, sometimes elegantly flippant when he ought to have been stolidly earnest, and rather ill-organized. His lack of a clear future role was endemic in the American system. He automatically remained the titular head of his party. But he had no forum in which to exercise his leadership and 1956 was a long way off, with a second attempt for a defeated candidate nearer to the exception than the rule.

“While I am not in favor of maladjustment, I view this cultivation of neutrality, this breeding of mental neuters, this hostility to eccentricity and controversy with grave misgiving. One looks back with dismay at the possibility of… Wesley contentedly administering a country parish, George Washington going to London to receive a barony from George in, or Abraham Lincoln prospering in Springfield with never a concern for the preservation of the crumbling Union.” —1955

He did not return to the law until 1954. The substantial office that he set up in Chicago was for the practice of politics. He travelled a lot, he spoke a lot. He remained in the news. His speeches were at first directed mainly to foreign affairs and were a little bland. They achieved more effect when he turned to a hard domestic issue. His attack on McCarthyism at Miami Beach in March, 1954, made a significant contribution to the turning back of that malign tide. This was followed by a notably successful part in the midterm elections of the following autumn. In six weeks he spoke in thirty-four states, and his speeches had more bite than in 1952. The Democrats regained control of both houses of Congress. It was a considerable victory and improved both Democratic morale and Stevenson’s stock.

But it did not mean that Elsenhower was dangerously vulnerable for 1956. He was always able to ride above the misfortunes of his party as well as the mistakes of his administration. And the collapse of McCarthy closed a Republican flank. If Stevenson had reason to be hesitant about 1952, he had still more reason for hesitancy in 1956. There were obvious attractions in missing a turn and waiting to run against a new Republican in 1960. He was unlikely to be forgotten.

“When I was a boy I never had much sympathy for a holiday speaker. He was just a kind of interruption between the hot dogs, a fly in the lemonade.” — 1952

To these attractions he was impervious. He did not push himself hard or prematurely, but by 1955 he made it obvious that he wanted the nomination. And this time he had to work hard for it. At the convention, again in Chicago, he was comfortably nominated on the first ballot. But he paid a price for this. The primaries left him tired before the real campaign began. And they also left him a little shop-soiled. There was a new tendency to say, “He’s just another politician.” Altogether the 1956 campaign, although in some ways more professional, lacked something of both the sparkle and the inspiration of 1952. It was intended to be domestically oriented. There was also to be a determined attempt to show Stevenson as a vigorous yet experienced challenger to a President who had been at best half-time and was now manifestly not up to the job.

The strategy failed. Elsenhower was so brilliantly packaged and presented that whenever he got to a television studio, he looked much fitter than his rushed and tired opponent. Stevenson’s attack also got diverted, perhaps by a natural predilection, on to foreign- and defense-policy issues. He demanded an end to H-bomb tests and the replacement of the draft by a professional army. He was almost certainly right on both points, but he totally failed to convince ordinary American opinion that he could be more expert on either than the great General. Then, in the last days of the campaign, the Suez war obtruded sharply.

The strength of the Democrats was that people instinctively associated the Republicans with big business and neglect of the small man at home. The strength of the Republicans was that people instinctively feared that the Democrats were the war party. The diversion of strategy reduced the first strength and increased the second. It helped to produce a victory for Eisenhower still more decisive than that of 1952. Stevenson carried only seven states.

This second defeat was much worse for Stevenson than the first. On the former occasion he had greatly enhanced his reputation. He started the campaign as a successful governor. He ended it as a world figure. And he could husband this reputation and live to fight another day. In 1956 he had gained nothing, and on any likely prognosis he was at the end of the road. Only Clay and Bryan in American history had been allowed third attempts, and Bryan’s were not consecutive.

A month after the election Stevenson issued a formal statement of withdrawal. He would continue to work for the Democratic Party and to warn the American people “against complacency and a false sense of security,” but he would not again be a candidate.

Stevenson was able to keep his imprint on Democratic policy. His stamp remained that of anticomplacency at home and deep commitment abroad.

There is little doubt that as the 1960 election came nearer he became tempted by the prospect of a third try. He would hardly have been human had he felt otherwise. He had devoted some of his best years to fighting when it was not possible to win. For 1960 the prospect looked quite different. Nixon seemed to be emerging as the most likely successor. Stevenson viewed him with strong disapproval verging upon contempt. He was certain he could beat him. Moreover he was constantly told, everywhere he went in the world, that he was the man to whom humanity was looking for the reburnishment of America’s leadership.

He therefore determined on a compromise course. If he was offered the nomination, he would accept it, but he would do nothing to seek it. Right up to the end he appeared to be hovering on the brink of a more positive move. He got appeals, from Mrs. Roosevelt, from Senator Humphrey, from a host of others, to declare himself a candidate. He continued to be available but undeclared.

“I am not an old experienced hand at politics. But I am now seasoned enough to have learned that the hardest thing about any political campaign is how to win without proving that you are unworthy of winning.” —1956

This was still his status when he arrived at the Los Angeles convention. His supporters had been there before him, working hard. There was no doubt that they were running him as a candidate, whatever he was doing himself. The Kennedy bandwagon was rolling fast, but it was still short of a first-ballot victory, and it was at that stage arousing more professional admiration than popular enthusiasm. Many thought that if Stevenson would give a clear lead and set alight the latent flames of nostalgic affection and respect that were smoldering in the hearts of many delegates, the convention could still be turned.

There were a number of occasions when he might have done this. He refused them all. Yet he allowed his name to be placed in nomination. Indeed he actually suggested the proposer, Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota. It was an excellent choice—but for what purpose?—and pro- duced the greatest oratorical feat of the week. “Do not turn away from this man,” McCarthy said. “Do not reject this man who has made us all proud to be Democrats.”

Meanwhile Stevenson had already started work on a speech introducing John Kennedy to a postconvention rally. Altogether it was a most mystifying week’s performance. It was certainly not calculated to endear him to the Kennedy camp. He had taken too much of the gilt off their gingerbread for that. Nor did he make it easy for his friends. Yet they did not revolt or even complain. Their springs of loyalty and affection were too deep.

“Unreason and anti-intellectualism abominate thought. Thinking implies disagreement and disagreement implies nonconformity and nonconformity implies heresy and heresy implies disloyalty—so, obviously, thinking must be stopped. But shouting is not a substitute for thinking and reason is not the subversion but the salvation of freedom.” —1954

This was the last week of his political career. It had lasted twelve and a half years. Thereafter everything was, not bathos, but anticlimax. Stevenson accepted the ambassadorship to the United Nations, sweetened by the rather meaningless prestige symbol of Cabinet membership.

For Kennedy it was a brilliant appointment. Stevenson discharged his duties with flair and imagination. It was no longer his own standard, but that of an administration with which he was not wholly in sympathy, that he carried. But he did it with most of his old distinction. He continued to foster world respect for the United States. But he again paid a price. He was under instructions. He defended causes in which he did not believe. He was no longer his own man. He lived in luxury and esteem at the top of the Waldorf Towers. He used his eloquence. He was warmly welcoming to the delegates of the emergent nations. He saw his old friends and went to too many parties. He thought of resigning and trying to run for the Senate but did not do so. It was certainly not the happiest period of his life. And then it all ended on a July afternoon in a Mayfair street.

Stevenson, with the possible exception of Bryan, was the most famous unsuccessful candidate in American history. By definition, therefore, he was a failure in his central purpose. But he inspired a generation. And he influenced the world view of the United States more than any other politician who never handled the levers of full power.

“Oh, what I would really like is just to sit in the shade with a glass of wine in my hands and watch the dancers.” —1965


Adlai Stevenson II

In 1928, Stevenson married Ellen Borden, a well-to-do socialite. The younger couple quickly grew to become widespread and acquainted figures on the Chicago social scene they particularly loved attending and internet hosting costume events. [18] They had three sons: Adlai Stevenson III, who would develop into a U.S. Senator Borden Stevenson, and John Fell Stevenson. In 1935, Adlai and Ellen bought a 70-acre (28 ha) tract of land alongside the Des Plaines River close to Libertyville, Illinois, a rich suburb of Chicago. They constructed a house on the property and it served as Stevenson’s official residence for the remainder of his life. Although he spent comparatively little time there because of his profession, Stevenson did contemplate the property to be his dwelling, and within the Nineteen Fifties, he was usually known as “The Man from Libertyville” by the nationwide information media. Stevenson additionally bought a farm in northwestern Illinois, simply outdoors Galena, the place he ceaselessly rode horses and saved some cattle.

A 12 months after leaving Harvard, Stevenson took an interest within the regulation once more after speaking to Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. When he returned dwelling to Bloomington, he determined to complete his diploma at Northwestern University School of Law, attending lessons through the week and returning to Bloomington on the weekends to put in writing for the Pantagraph. Stevenson obtained his J.D. diploma from Northwestern in 1926 and handed the Illinois state bar examination that 12 months. He obtained a place at Cutting, Moore & Sidley, one in all Chicago’s oldest and most prestigious regulation corporations. [17]

He attended Princeton University, changing into managing editor of Harian Princetonian, a member of the American Whig-Cliosophic Society, [12] a member of the Quadrangle Club, and obtained a B.A. diploma in 1922 in literature and historical past. [13] Under prodding from his father he then went to Harvard Law School, however discovered the regulation to be “uninteresting”, and withdrew after failing a number of lessons. [14] He returned to Bloomington the place he wrote for the household newspaper, The Daily Pantagraph, which was based by his maternal great-grandfather Jesse Fell. NS Pantagraph, which had one of many largest circulations of any newspaper in Illinois outdoors of the Chicago space, was a major supply of the Stevenson household’s wealth. [15] Following his mom’s demise in 1935, Adlai inherited one-quarter of the Pantagraph’s inventory, offering him with a big, reliable supply of revenue for the remainder of his life. [16]

Stevenson left Bloomington High School after his junior 12 months and attended University High School in Normal, Illinois, Bloomington’s “twin metropolis”, simply to the north. He then went to boarding college in Connecticut at The Choate School (now Choate Rosemary Hall), the place he performed on the tennis staff, acted in performs, and was elected editor-in-chief of The Choate News, the college newspaper. [9] Upon his commencement from Choate in 1918, [10] he enlisted within the United States Naval Reserve and served on the rank of Seaman Apprentice, however his coaching was accomplished too late for him to take part in World War I. [11]

Stevenson was raised within the metropolis of Bloomington, Illinois his household was a member of Bloomington’s higher class and lived in one of many metropolis’s well-to-do neighborhoods. On December 30, 1912, on the age of twelve, Stevenson by accident killed Ruth Merwin, a 16-year-old pal, whereas demonstrating drill approach with a rifle, inadvertently left loaded, throughout a celebration on the Stevenson dwelling. [6] Stevenson was devastated by the accident and infrequently talked about or mentioned it as an grownup, even together with his spouse and kids. [7] However, in 1955 Stevenson heard a few girl whose son had skilled an analogous tragedy. He wrote to her that she ought to inform her son that “he should now stay for 2”, which Stevenson’s associates took to be a reference to the capturing incident. [8]

Adlai Ewing Stevenson II was born in Los Angeles, California, in a neighborhood now designated because the North University Park Historic District. His dwelling and birthplace at 2639 Monmouth Avenue has been designated as a Los Angeles Historic-Cultural Monument. [2] He was a member of a distinguished Illinois political household. His grandfather and namesake Adlai Stevenson I used to be Vice President of the United States beneath President Grover Cleveland from 1893 to 1897. His father, Lewis Stevenson, by no means held an elected workplace, however was appointed Illinois Secretary of State (1914–1917) and was thought of a robust contender for the Democratic vice-presidential nomination in 1928. A maternal great-grandfather, Jesse W. Fell, had been an in depth pal and marketing campaign supervisor for Abraham Lincoln in his 1858 US Senate race Stevenson usually referred to Fell as his favourite ancestor. [3] Stevenson’s eldest son, Adlai E. Stevenson III, grew to become a U.S. Senator from Illinois (1970–1981). His mom was Helen Davis Stevenson, and he had an older sister, Elizabeth Stevenson Ives, an creator who was known as “Buffie”. Actor McLean Stevenson was a second cousin as soon as eliminated. [4] He was the nephew by marriage of novelist Mary Borden, and she or he assisted within the writing of a few of his political speeches. [5]

In each the 1952 and 1956 presidential elections, Stevenson was defeated in a landslide by Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower. He unsuccessfully sought the Democratic presidential nomination for a 3rd time on the 1960 Democratic National Convention. After President John F. Kennedy was elected, he appointed Stevenson because the United States Ambassador to the United Nations. Stevenson served from 1961 till his demise in 1965 from a coronary heart assault in London, following a United Nations convention in Switzerland.

Raised in Bloomington, Illinois, Stevenson was a member of the Democratic Party. [1] He served in quite a few positions within the federal authorities through the Thirties and Forties, together with the Agricultural Adjustment Administration, Federal Alcohol Administration, Department of the Navy, and the State Department. In 1945, he served on the committee that created the United Nations, and he was a member of the preliminary U.S. delegations to the UN. He was the thirty first governor of Illinois from 1949 to 1953, and he received the Democratic Party’s nomination for president within the 1952 and 1956 presidential elections.

Adlai Ewing Stevenson II ( / ˈ æ d l eɪ / February 5, 1900 – July 14, 1965) was an American lawyer, politician, and diplomat.


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